THE “BREAKING” OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP STATES INTO TWO BLOCKS AS A MATTER OF PRIORITY FOR THE SECURITY OF NEIGHBOURING STATES
Georgiana-Ștefania AMBRUȘ, PhD Student | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (SNSPA) | Bucharest/ Romania
Abstract
Beginning with the years of Eastward expansion and intensifying threats issued by Russia, the EU’s foreign policy has prioritized the creation of a stable and secure territory in its Eastern neighbourhood. Western countries have tried to solidify this union by means of developing a varied palette of regional cooperation instruments, such as: The European Neighbourhood Policy, The Eastern Partnership/EaP, Free Trade and Association Accords.
This article brings to the forefront the issue of the current effectiveness of European policies, especially the Eastern Partnership, considering that the war in Ukraine generated major regional changes and different positions of the EaP member states towards the EU. And here I refer to the suspension of Belarus as a EaP member, Armenia and Azerbaijan, states used by Russia to evade international sanctions. Also, the EU’s acceptance of the EU accession applications of the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine forces a change in the objectives of the EaP.
In this context, starting from the assumption that the EaP, in the current regional context, is no longer a realistic project in its current form, the question remains: is it realistic and sustainable solution for the EU to continue developing new projects for EaP states or is it more efficient for the EU to redirect its attention to rethinking already existing projects, namely the allocation of EaP resources exclusively for the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine, with the aim of supporting and accelerating the EU accession process?
Keywords:
Eastern Neighbourhood; Eastern Partnership; efficiency; EU accession; inefficiency; Russia.
WOMEN’S EXECUTIVE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: JACINDA ARDERN AND ANGELA MERKEL
Corina-Adriana BAICOANĂ | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (SNSPA) | Bucharest/ Romania
Abstract
The COVID-19 pandemic offers the perfect opportunity to study how gender and leadership expectations influence the management styles of political state leaders in executive positions during crisis situations. This article tests the association between female leadership stereotypes and crisis situations by analysing the discourse and policymaking of New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and ex-German Chancellor Angela Merkel during the peak of the pandemic (March-April 2020).
Based on the social role theory, I start from the idea that women are stereotypically empathetic, nurturing sensitive and interested in the others’ wellbeing, while men are prevailingly assertive, autonomous, ambitious and dominant. By these predefined profiles, leadership is typically attributed masculine traits. Other factors introduce further difficulties: the existence of fields that are seen as either predominantly masculine (politics, economics) or feminine (health, education), and the perception that top hierarchical positions require masculine characteristics (positions in lower tiers being less sensitive to the gender factor).
I test these arguments in a critical analysis of the political discourse of two female leaders. The main conclusion is that the relationship between gender and leadership is not stable, as Ardern and Merkel both displaced male and female attributes (steadfastness in decision-making, but also an empathetic speech).
Keywords:
COVID-19; female leaders; Germany; New Zealand.
THE LEGAL CAMOUFLAGE OF THE ILLEGAL AND ILLEGITIMATE ANNEXATION OF THE CRIMEAN PENINSULA (2014)
Ioana Alexandra BULIGA | Doctoral School of Political Science, University of Bucharest (FSPUB) | Bucharest/Romania
Abstract
This article aims to analyse the situation that happened in 2014 when the Russian Federation illegally and illegitimately annexed the Crimean Peninsula, proving that in the 21st century the annexation of a part of a democratic state (belonging to a mostly democratic international community) is possible. Claiming its destabilizing actions in the form of “requested aid”, the Russian Federation tried to find countless justifications for the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by creating an interventionist annexation precedent. The research methodology of the article aims at a longitudinal study regarding the justifications that the Russian Federation tried to provide for the illegal and illegitimate annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, with the main method being the documentary analysis based on the specialized literature. The most important two questions of the paper are: „what were the justifications offered by Moscow in favour of the annexation” and „did the legal camouflage that Moscow gave to the illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea lead to international recognition?” The attempt to answer these two questions offers the opportunity to analyse the tricks (especially legislative) that the Russian Federation will use on the international level regarding the annexation of Crimea.
Keywords:
Annexation; Crimean Peninsula; legal camouflage; Russian Federation.
GAMIFICATION AS AN EXPERIENTIAL LEARNING IN TEACHING DIPLOMACY
Mihai Ovidiu CERCEL, PhD, Associate Professor | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (SNSPA) | Bucharest/Romania
Abstract
The paper contributes to understanding how innovations in teaching International Relations are critical for building competencies to students. Modern diplomacy challenges require a bunch of competencies that have to be developed even before joining the diplomatic service. The paper explores the interactions between real policy, diplomacy and international relations and students’ capabilities, and to what extent the knowledge is transferable through a role-play game developed by the author to simulate a part of the activities of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The data were collected between 2016 and 2021, using a voluntary, anonymous questionnaire from 68 respondents and focus group discussions. The paper is a continuation to our previous study and confirms that the role play simulation helped students acquire or enhance skills related to diplomatic practices, and that they are using those skills in their professional life. These findings can enrich the best practices for effective learning and competencies development. Data shows that experiential learning is able to form or to enhance a series of competencies specific to the field of International Relations and Diplomacy. The transfer of knowledge is effective in terms of professional and social competencies. Implications are discussed for enhancing the learning process in International Relations and Diplomacy master programs.
Keywords:
International Relations; modern diplomacy challenges; innovations in learning experience; role play design; transfer knowledge; competencies development.
TRADE POLICY – THE NEW BACKBONE OF THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP?
Alexandru Mihai GHIGIU, PhD, Lecturer | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration ( SNSPA) | Bucharest/Romania
Alexandra NUNWEILLER BĂLĂNESCU, PhD, Center for Strategic Studies | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration ( SNSPA) | Bucharest/Romania
Abstract
The Trump presidency put additional strains on the transatlantic partnership and diminished trust between traditional allies. While its administration adopted a series of protectionist measures together with clear ”America First” and ”Buy American” policies, the EU undertook multiple steps to protect itself in similar ways. Trade continued to flow in those 4 years, but under more hostile regulations and under the auspices of growing international crises and tensions. Biden’s victory marked a moment of hope and optimism for the restauration of the transatlantic bond, as he is an advocate for closer US-EU ties and for a more traditional diplomacy. As the first two years of Biden’s term have proven, there can be no return to ”business as usual” after Trump, after COVID and during a full-scale war waged by Russia on the European continent. What is to be found is another way to do ”business” and so far, there seems to be a preference for smaller, sectorial or sub-sectorial negotiations on specific topics/issues. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has been (apparently) completely abandoned, while the new US-US Trade and Technology Council (TTC) brings some new promises.
Keywords:
Biden; EU; TTIP; TTC; Trade; Trump; US.
VICTOIRE D’EMMANUEL MACRON EN 2022: IMAGE ET POSITIONNEMENT. L’ÉCHEC DES ÉLECTIONS À L’ASSEMBLÉE NATIONALE
EMMANUEL MACRON’S VICTORY 2022: IMAGE AND POSITIONING. FAILURE IN THE ELECTIONS FOR THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
Aurelia PERU-BALAN, docteur ès sciences politiques, maître de conférences Université d’Etat de Moldova | Chisinau/Moldavie
Vitalina BAHNEANU, docteur ès lettres, maître de conférences | Université d’Etat de Moldova | Chisinau/Moldavie
Abstract
In this article we aim to make an analysis of the public relations techniques used by Emmanuel Macron’s staff in the presidential election of April 2024. We refer to the techniques of positioning distinct from the other competitors and especially from the competitor in the second round, Marine le Pen. We elucidate the context in which the campaign took place – the war in Ukraine and the French presidency of the European Council. We also reflected on President Macron’s working visit to Romania and Moldova and the perception of its opportunity, including for personal image consolidation.
Keywords:
Image; Le Pen; Macron; National Assembly; presidential election; positioning.
HOW RUSSIA DECIDED TO START THE WAR AGAINST UKRAINE
Sabina RUSU | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (SNSPA) | Bucharest/ Romania
Abstract
The subject of the paper concerns Russia’s decision to start a conventional war by invading the independent and sovereign Ukrainian state with regular troops on February 24th, 2022. The research question that I will address is how Putin decided in favour of a military solution to advance his foreign policy goals.
The methodology I use to address the issue consists of the following steps: (i) identify mostly in news articles the information that most likely influenced Kremlin’s calculus (thus rejecting some claims that Putin is irrational or insane); (ii) briefly present the three theoretical models employed by Graham T. Allison (1971) to explain the Cuban Missile Crisis – The Rational Actor, The Organizational Process and The Governmental Politics; (iii) apply the basic unit of analysis, organizing concepts and dominant inference pattern for each of the three theoretical models in order to analyse how the balance might have been tipped in favour of a full-scale military intervention, from Russia’s perspective.
The analysis contributes to a better understanding of the decision-making mechanisms that led to war, despite limitations stemming from the lack of reliable information for the time being.
Keywords:
Governmental politics; organizational process; rational actor; Russia; Ukraine; war initiation.
