RUSSIA`S STRATEGIC BEHAVIOUR WITHIN THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL. THE VETO POWER.
Ioana-Alexandra ABRĂNOAEI-BULIGA | Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest
Bucharest/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.1
Abstract
This article analyses the Russian Federation’s actions within the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) between 2000 and 2020 focusing on its strategic use of the veto power. It argues that Russia’s foreign policy at the international institutional level mirrors its domestic strategies under President Vladimir Putin. The study divides Russia’s UNSC behaviour into two phases: a period of cooperation and compliance (2000–2008) and a more assertive, obstructionist approach post-2011. The article highlights the use of the veto not only as a diplomatic tool but as a means of institutional paralysis, particularly concerning the Syrian conflict. Russia justifies its veto through a restrictive interpretation of international law, emphasizing state sovereignty and non-intervention to protect its strategic interests, including support for the Assad regime. Through legal justifications grounded in a restrictive interpretation of international law Russia has sought to block any resolutions perceived as threats to its strategic interests or to those of allied regimes. Ultimately, the article concludes that the Russian Federation’s exercise of veto power reflects a broader realist paradigm, whereby international legal principles are selectively interpreted to preserve great power status and resist liberal interventionism. The consistent pattern of Russian behaviour demonstrates not only a deliberate strategy of institutional obstruction but also reveals the extent to which domestic political doctrines shape and define Moscow’s engagement with multilateral diplomacy.
Keywords
Russian foreign policy; United Nations Security Council; veto power.
FOCALISM. AN INTRODUCTION.
George ANGLIŢOIU | Department of International Relations and European Integration, National University of Political Studies and Public Administration
Bucharest/Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.2
Abstract
Visionaries envision. Teachers teach. Leaders lead. But each has a need for conceptualisation and verbalisation in order to build up their capacity to gather audience, impact present time and forge the future. This essay is about alternative theoretical and practical skills, which could be of use for nurturing minds and wills towards academic endeavours with benefits for betterment of societies through foreign policy and international relations. But if proven of quality and relevance, it should also be about a personal mark on IR studies, enough to qualify its proponent as author. Therefore, I have enlisted a series of past contributions with the goal of showcasing the need for what I call Focalism. Also, I have used one classic and deciding example of focalist making of IR, applied to one of the most impressive feats of diplomacy and belligerence ever achieved: Zhuge Hidden Dragon Liang’ s diplomatic mission at the court of Sun Quan, and the subsequent victory of their joint army of 50,000 over the invading northern forces of Cao Cao of 1,000,000.
Keywords
Cao Cao; focalism; hegemony neural limits; recurrent mindset; reptilian brain; Zhuge Liang.
NATION BRANDING AND THE SHIFT TOWARDS SOFT POWER DISTRIBUTION FROM THE GLOBAL NORTH TO THE GLOBAL SOUTH: A CASE STUDY OF TECHNOLOGISED CHINA & INDIA
Maria BEGA | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration
Bucharest / Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.3
Abstract
Several countries in the Global South have begun to seize the importance of exerting forms of soft power and economic collaboration to upend their standing in the international system. Technology plays an essential role for emerging powers such as China and India, which are increasingly shaping the international system through their technological feats; the extent of these contributions is currently underrepresented in the literature. This article aims to compare how both China and India are trying to circumvent negative perceptions that the West is generally said to hold against them, arguing that nation branding as a function of soft power contributes to the rise of both countries as powerful Tech Hubs. This body of work approaches the changing distribution of global power from the North to the South using a constructivist approach. The method of choice constitutes the analysis of official government documents, economic reports, and of academic literature. Simon Anholt’s MARSS model is my methodological reference point for conducting nation brand analyses, and a comparative approach will be used to draft case studies of both countries in relation to their nation brand development. The results point towards the nation brand development of India as a new corporate hub in the Global South, while China presents itself as a good Samaritan of the southern hemisphere with the help of its state’s interventionism. Further studies are warranted to analyse similar countries which are looking to modify their narratives surrounding their status as ‘developing’ countries.
Keywords
China; constructivism; global South; India; nation branding; technology
THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN FIGHTING DISINFORMATION: SUCCESSES, FAILURES, AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS IN ROMANIA IN THE EU CONTEXT
Ilie Florin CEUȘAN | “George Emil Palade”University of Medicine, Pharmacy, Sciences and Technology of Târgu-Mureș
Târgu-Mureș /Romania
Maria COSTEA | Romanian Academy’s “Gheorghe Șincai” Institute for Social Sciences and Humanities of Târgu-Mureș
Târgu-Mureș / Romania
Simion COSTEA | “George Emil Palade” University of Medicine, Pharmacy, Sciences and Technology of Târgu-Mureș
Târgu-Mureș / Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.4
Abstract
Disinformation has emerged as one of the most significant threats to democratic governance, public trust, and social cohesion in both Romania and the European Union. This paper analyses the evolving role of civil society organizations (CSOs), universities, and governmental institutions in countering this phenomenon, with particular attention to the Romanian context and its comparison to other European models. The study highlights successful initiatives such as fact-checking platforms, academic media literacy programs, and partnerships with EU-level institutions, while also exposing persistent shortcomings, including the absence of a coherent national strategy, limited regulatory enforcement, and insufficient cross-sector collaboration. Drawing on agenda-setting and framing theories, the analysis shows how disinformation reshapes public priorities and manipulates perceptions, and how civil society responses can reframe narratives to restore factual integrity. Empirical data from European Digital Media Observatory reports and Eurobarometer surveys demonstrate the vulnerability of Romanian society, particularly during electoral cycles and crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Building on best practices from Finland and other EU states, the article proposes policy recommendations including media literacy education, cognitive resilience training, support for independent journalism, and stronger EU–Romania collaboration. The findings stress that only a multi-stakeholder, transnational approach can effectively strengthen societal resilience against disinformation.
Keywords
Civil Society; disinformation; Eastern Europe; European Union; media literacy; regulatory framework.
TRANSATLANTIC ACADEMIC DIPLOMACY: HIGHER EDUCATON AND RESEARCH BETWEEN ROMANIA AND THE UNITED STATES
Melania-Gabriela CIOT | Faculty of European Studies, European Studies and Governance Department, University “Babes-Bolyai”
Cluj Napoca/ Romania
Iulia Anamaria GHIDIU | Faculty of European Studies, Doctoral School International Relations and European Studies, University “Babes-Bolyai”
Cluj Napoca/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.5
Abstract
In a globalized world, the influence exercised by multiple interdependencies is now more obvious than ever. The article examines the quest for dominance between the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) in the field of scientific research in the last three decades, particularly from a Romanian perspective, and collaboration opportunities fuelled by the Fulbright scholarship program – a vivid example of transatlantic integration. The international perspective of higher education institutions represents the other point of focus in the present paper. This perspective is a condition for universities’ permanent adaptation and inclusion in the evolution of a globalized society. The trend was understood and assimilated on both sides of the Atlantic, with Europe now reaching a higher ranking compared to the US. The empirical investigation is based on a survey and several interviews with participants bearing different study and professional backgrounds while sharing the experience of studying abroad, in America and in Romania. The conclusions indicates that research is an important preoccupation for Americans, and competition and investments in this field were higher than in Europe. The EU is struggling to keep the pace and develop more its scientific potential, and Western Europe is becoming as competitive as the US.
Keywords
Excellence; research; research universities; scientific output; transatlantic exchange.
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL TRUST IN DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY AND INSTITUTIONAL RESILIENCE: A EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE
Gabriela GOUDENHOOFT| Faculty of History, International Relations, Political Science and Communication, University of Oradea
Oradea/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.6
Abstract
This article examines the relationship between political trust, institutional legitimacy, and democratic resilience, with a particular focus on the European context. Drawing on theoretical insights from social capital, political psychology, and democratic governance, the paper explores how institutional effectiveness, responsiveness, and transparency influence citizens’ trust in public institutions. It further analyses how political distrust may simultaneously undermine legitimacy and stimulate non-institutional forms of political engagement. Special attention is given to the legacy of post-communist transitions and recent findings from the OECD survey on institutional trust. The article concludes by proposing policy measures aimed at fostering trust in democratic regimes across Europe.
Keywords
Governance; legitimacy; political institution; societal unity.
HOW EUROPEAN INTEGRATION INFLUENCES PERCEPTIONS OF SOVEREIGNTY: RECONFIGURATION OF ALBANIA’S DISCOURSE
Islam JUSUFI | Independent Researcher
Skopje/ North Macedonia
Arnold C. DUPUY| Virginia Tech
VA/ U.S.A.
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.7
Abstract
There has been a lively debate in the international relations literature about the weakening or strengthening of sovereignty. One of the areas in which sovereignty has been increasingly discussed is the process of European integration. European integration is increasingly referenced in terms of its impact on sovereignty and has become an area in which national authorities seek to assert their sovereignty. This has become important as accession to the EU has been perceived as a weakening of national sovereignty. This article engages with the strand of literature that examines the tension between supranational governance and national sovereignty, focusing on how integration processes impact perceptions and claims of sovereignty among nation-states. The main research question is: How has European integration influenced perceptions of sovereignty in Albania? The hypothesis tested is that while European integration is often perceived as a threat to national sovereignty, it simultaneously enables states to reclaim sovereignty through enhanced international linkages and institutional reforms. Enlargement countries have established institutions that transcend national governance institutions and processes of change within the nation-states. As international linkages are being established in this area, sovereignty is being reclaimed from the nation-states. The region best suited to observe these developments is Europe’s periphery. In this light, the proposed paper seeks to analyse European integration and how it has affected the perception of sovereignty in contemporary Albania. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study combines qualitative analysis of policy documents and public discourse with process tracing approach involving major events and developments. Data includes official reports, government publications, and media sources. The findings reveal that European integration has not unilaterally weakened Albanian sovereignty; instead, it has fostered a dual dynamic. On the one hand, the alignment with EU norms and the establishment of supranational institutions necessitate some sovereignty transfers. On the other hand, these changes empower Albania to enhance its international standing and reclaim sovereignty in areas previously limited by domestic inefficiencies. The added value of this article lies in its contribution to the broader debates in international relations by providing empirical evidence that challenges binary narratives of sovereignty erosion, highlighting instead a complex and context-dependent reconfiguration of sovereignty in the European periphery.
Keywords
Albania; discourse; European integration; sovereignty.
GEOPOLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS ON CHINA’S CLIMATE AGENDA AND REFORMS
Bogdan MUNTEANU | National University of Political Studies and Public Administration
Bucharest/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.8
Abstract
China has pledged to peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 and to achieve a neutral carbon footprint of its economy before 2060, a pathway which requires significant transformative efforts across economic, political, and technological domains. This paper assesses China’s preparedness to meet these ambitious climate goals, focusing on its policy framework, actions, and international cooperation. The analysis highlights China’s dual strategy of carbon peaking and neutrality, supported by the “1+N” policy framework, the energy transition plans, and the investments in renewable energy and green technologies. The progress of the Chinese authorities seems robust, yet challenges remain, including some slower-than-expected reductions in carbon intensity and rising geopolitical tensions affecting international cooperation. The study explores China’s energy reforms, carbon emissions trading system, and green financing initiatives, emphasizing the importance of energy efficiency, of the renewable energy deployment, as well as of the technological innovation. It also examines China’s role in the global climate governance, its cooperation with the European Union, and its contributions to international green finance domain. The findings suggest that while China demonstrates high ambitions and resourcefulness, achieving faster decarbonization will require sustained efforts, enhanced policies and deeper international collaboration.
Keywords
China’s “1+N” policy framework, China’s carbon intensity, China’s energy efficiency, China’s energy reforms, China’s climate governance.
THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF ROMANIA’S ETHNIC MINORITY VOTERS IN THE 2025 PRESIDENTIAL RUNOFF
Dan PETRICĂ | “Agora” University Oradea
Oradea/ Romania
Laurențiu PETRILA| University of Oradea
Oradea/ Romania
Felix-Angel POPESCU | “Agora” University Oradea
Oradea/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.9
Abstract
Romania’s 18 May 2025 presidential runoff turned on a coalition that fused urban cores with national minorities, above all Transylvanian Hungarians, who are densely organized through UDMR/RMDSZ. Using county-aggregated AEP precinct returns (domestic only), the Hungarian core added +598,602 votes (58.8%) and Bucharest +422,840 (41.5%) to Dan’s margin. These blocs sum to +1,021,442 (≈100.3% of the domestic margin) because the other 34 counties collectively reduced the margin by 2,637 votes (–0.3%). We embed these facts in a narrative of inter-round coordination, featuring clear domestic elite cues (UDMR; FDGR) and a cross-border signal (Viktor Orbán’s perceived nod to Simion) that backfired among ethnic Hungarians. A vote-transfer sensitivity analysis—explicitly allowing that “not voting Dan” could mean voting Simion rather than abstaining—shows that trimming only the “excess” Dan vote above a national baseline in minority-dense counties would not overturn the outcome even if every removed vote switched; only removing the entire core-county Dan mass flips the race. A parsimonious county OLS (Dan share on “Hungarian-core” + Bucharest dummies) explains ~66% of cross-county variation, consistent with our narrative. We situate these findings in the comparative literatures on runoff coordination, ethnic parties, cue-taking, identity threat, and urban overlays, and outline implications for party strategy and electoral design.
Keywords
Diaspora; ethnic voting; minorities; runoffs; vote transfers; UDMR/RMDSZ.
QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS (QCA): A POSSIBILITY IN EVALUATION METHODOLOGY
Balázs TELEGDY | Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania
Miercurea Ciuc / Romania
Blanka BÁLINT│Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania
Miercurea Ciuc / Romania
Ede LÁZÁR│Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania
Miercurea Ciuc/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.10
Abstract
The aim of this article is to introduce the reader to Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) as a potential evaluation method. The authors endeavour to achieve this objective by presenting a concrete project evaluation using the QCA method in a step-by-step manner following a concise, introductory overview. The authors’ primary intention is to draw the attention of the reader to this method, which they believe is well suited to evaluation if the advantages and disadvantages of the method are known. It seems that one of the major advantages of the method is that it represents a transition between the classical quantitative-qualitative methodological schools of thought and solutions.
Keywords
CsQCA; evaluation methodology; impact analysis
BOOK REVIEW
Adrian Eugen Preda, 2024, Hegemonie şi elite naţionale. România şi marile puteri în secolul XX, 377 pages, Cluj, Presa Universitară Clujeană, ISBN 978-606-37-2221-9
Radu CUCUTĂ | National University of Political Science and Public Administration
Bucharest/ Romania
Doi: http://doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2025.19.2.11
